THE FAILURE OF JUNETEENTH

Five years ago, as the streets ran hot and the body of George Floyd lay cold, optimistic commentators believed that America was on the verge of a breakthrough in its eternal deliberation over the humanity of Black people. For a brief moment, perhaps, it seemed as if the “whirlwinds of revolt,” as Martin Luther King Jr. once prophesied, had finally shaken the nation’s foundations. In 2021, amid this “racial reckoning,” as it was often called, Congress passed legislation turning Juneteenth into “Juneteenth National Independence Day,” a federal holiday. Now we face the sober reality that our country might be further away from that promised land than it has been in decades.

Along with Memorial Day and Martin Luther King Jr. Day, Juneteenth became one of three federal holidays with explicit roots in Black history. Memorial Day was made a national observance in 1868 to honour soldiers fallen during the Civil War, and was preceded by local celebrations organized by newly freed Black residents. The impetus for MLK Day came about with King’s assassination a century later, after which civil-rights groups and King’s closest associates campaigned for the named holiday. Memorial Day and Martin Luther King Jr. Day originated when the Black freedom struggle faced its most significant challenges. Juneteenth—an emancipation celebration popularized during Reconstruction—was codified during what purported to be a transformation in America’s racial consciousness.

But, like its predecessors, Juneteenth joined the federal-holiday ranks just as Americans also decided en masse that they were done with all that. The 1870s saw the radical promise of Reconstruction give way to Jim Crow; the 1960s gave way to the nihilism and race-baiting of the Nixonian and Reaganite years. In 2024, the election of Donald Trump to a second term signalled a national retreat from racial egalitarianism. In his first months as president, he moved the country in that direction more quickly than many had imagined.

Trump has set fire to billions of dollars of contracts to eliminate “DEI,” according to the White House. His legislative agenda threatens to strip federal health care and disaster aid for disproportionately Black populations. The Department of Defence has defenestrated Black veterans in death, removing their names from government websites and restoring the old names of bases that originally honoured Confederate officers. The Federal Aviation Administration plans to spend millions of dollars to investigate whether recruiting Black air-traffic controllers (among other minority groups) has caused more plane crashes. The Smithsonian and its constituents have come under attack for daring to present artifacts about slavery and segregation. Books about Black history are being removed from schools and libraries. The secretary of education has suggested that public-school lessons about the truth of slavery and Jim Crow might themselves be illegal.

There were, perhaps, other possible outcomes after 2020, but they didn’t pass. The Democratic Party harnessed King’s whirlwinds of revolt to power its mighty machine, promising to transform America and prioritize racial justice. Corporations donned the mask of “wokeness”; people sent CashApp “reparations” and listened and learned. But the donations to racial-justice initiatives soon dried up. The party supported a war in Gaza that fundamentally undercut any claim to its moral authority, especially among many young Black folks who felt kinship with the Palestinians in their plight. When DEI emerged as a boogeyman on the far right, many corporate leaders and politicians started to slink away from previous commitments to equity. Democratic Party leadership underestimated the anti-anti-racism movement and seemed to genuinely believe that earned racial progress would endure on its own. The backlash that anybody who’d studied history said would come, and the country was unprepared.

Trump and his allies spend a lot of time talking about indoctrination and banning DEI. But by and large, the campaign against “wokeness” has always been a canard. The true quarries of Trump’s movement are the policies and structures that made progress possible. Affirmative action has been taken, and Black entrance rates at some selective schools have already plummeted. Our existing federal protections against discrimination in workplaces, housing, health care, and pollution are being peeled back layer by layer. The 1964 Civil Rights Act might be a dead letter, and the 1965 Voting Rights Act is in perpetual danger of losing the last of its teeth. The Fourteenth Amendment itself stands in tatters.

Five years after Democratic congresspeople knelt on the floor in kente cloth for nearly nine minutes, the holiday is all that remains. This puts the oddness of today in stark relief. The purpose of Juneteenth was always a celebration of emancipation, of the Black community’s emergence out of our gloomy past. But it was also an implicit warning that what had been done could be done again. Millions of schoolchildren will enjoy a holiday commemorating parts of our history that the federal government believes might be illegal to teach them about.

I once advocated for Juneteenth as a national holiday because the celebration would prompt more people to become familiar with the rich history of emancipation and Black folks’ agency. But, as it turns out, transforming Juneteenth into “Juneteenth National Independence Day” against the backdrop of the past few years of retrenchment creates another instance of hypocrisy. What we were promised was a reckoning, whatever that meant. What we got was a day off.